Sudan / UNAMID holds first round table meeting with signatories to Darfur Peace Agreement

20 Aug 2009 16:20 Africa/Lagos

Sudan / UNAMID holds first round table meeting with signatories to Darfur Peace Agreement

EL FASHER (DARFUR), August 20, 2009/African Press Organization (APO)/ -- The African Union-United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) yesterday convened a Round Table meeting of the Parties and Partners of the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) on the implementation of the DPA chaired by UNAMID Joint Special representative (JSR), Mr. Rodolphe Adada

In his opening remarks, Mr. Adada stated that the meeting was convened primarily to provide the needed forum for the parties to the DPA including the signatories of the Declaration of commitment (DOC) to take stock and build a common understanding on issues related to DPA implementation, including challenges, and charged participants to seek to define responsibilities and roles, in so far as the implementation of the Agreement is concerned.

The JSR commended the signatories and participants for their commitment to dialogue, peace, reconciliation and development which he said led to the historic choice in Abuja, and subsequently paved the way and laid the foundation for the deployment of the Hybrid Operation in Darfur, adding that despite numerous challenges, UNAMID has, in accordance with its mandate, achieved significant success in the areas of protection of civilians, support to aid agencies in the delivery of humanitarian assistance, confidence and capacity building, as well as reconciliation and conflict prevention at local levels.

Mr. Adada underscored the role of the DPA Partners in the implementation of the Agreement and strongly called on them to re-activate the Darfur Joint Assessment Mission (D JAM) and finalize assessment particularly in areas where security could be guaranteed by UNAMID, adding “the Mission stands ready to provide whatever assistance is needed to move the D JAM process forward…those who embraced peace deserve to reap its dividends”, he concluded.

He urged all parties to support the ongoing peace process in order to succeed, “because that is the only way to go in order to give a new lease of life to the DPA and, by extension, to the people of Darfur”.

The participants welcomed the round table meeting and agreed that progress has been achieved in the implementation of the DPA. They however observed that a lot remains to be done to achieve full implementation, in particular as regards incorporation of the DPA into the interim National Constitution.

In expressing full commitment to the continuous implementation of the DPA, the participants called upon the international community to play a more active role in the implementation of the DPA. In particular, the parties requested the international community to re-activate the Darfur Joint Assessment Mission. Participants called upon UNAMID to play a stronger role in supporting effective implementation of the DPA as per its mandate. The meeting also agreed that the parties to the DPA have a crucial role to play in galvanizing the peace process.

The meeting further agreed that a mechanism be set up to monitor and assess the status of implementation of the DPA, including identification of remaining gaps and challenges that impede the implementation process and recommendation of appropriate measures.


Participants from the DPA parties included the Government team led by Dr. Omar Adam Rahamat from the Presidency, SLM (MM) led by Mr. Mini Minawi, and signatories of the Declaration of Commitment to the DPA, including (SLM Free Will), JEM (Peace Wing), SLM (Mother), and the popular Forces for Rights and Democracy (PFRD). The participating DPA Partners included representatives of the African Union, European Union, League of Arab States, Egypt, The Netherlands, Nigeria, United Kingdom and the United States of America. The Joint Mediation was represented by Deputy JCM Azouz Ennifar.

Tears of the Desert are Tears of Blood in Darfur

Come here my love,
I have a song for you.
Come here my love,
I have a dream for you…

With such beautiful and soulful words of innate passion, Halima Bashir, MD, begins the lucid prose of her vivid memory of the poetic beauty of her childhood and Zaghawa family in Darfur in her unforgettable war memoir Tears of the Desert, but we are soon gripped by the gory horrors of her picturesque true life story as a ruthless Sudanese soldier stabbed a knife into her thigh as she kicked him in his groin in her desperate resistance against being raped by these devilish Sudanese soldiers on rampage in Darfur.



Here is an excerpt from Tears of the Desert, and reading the rest of the memoir would be more beneficial.

CHAPTER ONE

The Naming

Come here my love,
I have a song for you.
Come here my love,
I have a dream for you. . .

I sing-whisper this lullaby to my boy, my tiny child, as I rock him to sleep in my arms. Outside the window of our cell-like apartment the London traffic roars by. But here we are safe, he and I, this little sleepy miracle that I clutch to myself with a desperate joy in my heart. And as I sing, inside my head I am transported home, home to my beloved Africa.

Come here my love,
I have a kiss for you.
Come here my love. . .

This is the lullaby that my kind and gentle mother used to sing to me, of an evening by the fireside. This is the lullaby that my fierce Grandma Sumah would sing, on those warm African nights when she allowed herself to relax a little, and for her inner love to shine through. And this is the lullaby that my wonderful, funny, clever father would murmur in my ear, as he rocked me on his lap and ran his fingers through my hair.

Come here my love,
I have a smile for you. . .

As I sing this song I am in Africa again, enveloped in the loving warmth and security of my family. As I sing this song I am with my tribe again, the Zaghawa, a fierce, warlike black African people who are the most generous and open when welcoming strangers. I am back in the hot, spicy, dry desert air of my village, a child dressed only in dust and happiness, and all in my life is wondrous and good.
I am in my home, with my family, with my people, in my village, in Darfur.
Darfur. I know to you this must be a word soaked in suffering and blood. A name that conjures up terrible images of a dark horror and an evil without end. Pain and cruelty on a magnitude inconceivable in most of the civilized world. But to me Darfur means something quite different: It was and is that irreplaceable, unfathomable joy that is home.

Come here my love,
I have a home for you. . .

I sing this song for my little boy who is not yet one year old, and reflect upon the miracle of his birth—for it gave me the spirit and the will to live. Without you, I tell his shining, sleepy eyes, I would have killed myself from the horror and shame of it all. The darkness would have overcome me, dragged me down into its eager drowning.
We Zaghawa are a fierce, warlike people, and death—violent and bloody and at one's own hand—is far preferable to dishonor and shame. It has always been thus for my tribe.

Come here my love,
I have a hug for you. . .

"You know what rape is?" The face is a mask of hatred—eyes close to mine, his soldier's breath stinking. "You think because you are a doctor you really know what rape is?"
A second soldier lunges at me, pinning me to the floor. "We'll show you what rape is, you black dog. . ."
"You think you can talk to the foreigners about rape!" a third screams. "Let me tell you—you know nothing. But in rape we are expert teachers.. ."
"And when we are finished with you we might just let you live," the first one spits out. "Then you can go and tell the world. . ."
I try to block out the memory of it all, but sometimes it is not possible, and it comes crowding in on me, dark and suffocating, putrid and evil. I can still see their faces, even now, as if it were only yesterday. Bloodshot eyes, inflamed with hatred and lust. Graying stubble. Unclean breath, the reek of days-old sweat and unwashed uniforms. A flashing blade as one tries to cut my trousers off of me. I kick out, fiercely, aiming for his groin. He cries out in pain, recovers himself, and stabs the knife into my thigh. I feel the agony of that knife thrust, and a dead weight bearing down on my bound hands.

Come here my love,
I have a life for you. . .

I hug my little boy close to my pounding, fearful heart. It is you who gave me life, the will to live, the spirit to go on. And because of you—and the countless other women and children who never made it through the horror alive—I am going to sit at this desk in our tiny apartment while you peacefully sleep, and I am going to start to write my story.

Come here my love,
I have a story for you. . .

My name is Halima. It is an important name and you must remember it. It is important because my father gave it to me seven days after I was born, in the village naming ceremony. In a sense my father saw into the future, for he named me after who and what I was to become.

I was my father's firstborn child, and I was his favorite. I know all children say this, but I had an especially close bond with my father. For the first five years of my life I was an only child. I used to long for a brother or sister to play with. But I also knew that when one came along I'd have to share my parents with them, which was the last thing on earth that I wanted to do.

Whenever my father was home I would always be sitting at his side listening to his stories. He'd tell me about the legends of our tribe, the Zatghawa, or about the lineage of our family, which was descended from a long line of tribal chiefs. Or he'd tell me about his work buying and selling cattle, goats, and camels, and about his travels across the deserts and mountains of Darfur.

One day when I was very young we were lying on some rugs by the fireside in the center of our home. In each corner of our fenced compound there was a thatched, circular mud hut: one for the women, one for the men, one for my parents, and one for visitors. And in the middle was a thatched wooden shelter with open sides. Here we gathered each evening, lounging around the fire and gazing up at the bright stars, talking, talking and laughing.

My father was playing a game with me. It is just like the "This little piggy went to market" game that Westerners play with their children. He took my left hand in his, and traced a circle in my palm: "The camel's home," he announced, gazing into my eyes. Then he traced a similar pattern on my forearm: "The cow's home." Then higher up: "The sheep's home. . ." Of course, we'd played this game many times before, and I knew what was coming. I was giggling and trying to pull my arm away to escape.
"The chicken's home. . ." he continued, tracing a chicken coop at the top of my arm. And then, as I desperately tried to squidge myself up into a ball, he made a lunge for my armpit. "And who is this home for?!"

We fell about laughing, as he tickled me and I tried to fight him off. When we tired of the game we leaned back on the rugs, losing our thoughts in the dark night sky.
"You—you're my favorite little girl," my father murmured, as he stroked my hair. "You brought such luck to our family."
"But why am I so lucky, abba?" I asked him. Abba is "Daddy" in our Zaghawa language. I was at that age when I always wanted to know "why."
My father went on to tell me the story of my naming ceremony. In our tribe each child's name must be announced within seven days of birth. My mother and father were so proud of their firstborn that they invited everyone to the naming ceremony. My father was a relatively rich man in our village, as he owned many cattle, sheep, and goats, and dozens of prized camels. My father slaughtered several animals and a feast was prepared for all.

My mother was resting after the birth, and would do so for forty days, as was our tradition. So my fearsome Grandma Boheda rounded up some of the village women to help cook. There were trays piled high with kissra, a flat, sorghum pancake cooked on a metal plate over an open fire. There were cauldrons overflowing with acidah, a thick maize mash. There were bowls piled high with fresh salad, garnished with sesame oil and lemon juice. And there was lots of smoked cattle and goat meat, with hot, spicy sauces.

On the morning of my naming, people came bearing gifts of food or little presents. The women were dressed in topes, long robes of a fine, chiffon material, decorated with all the colors of the rainbow. The unmarried girls wore the brightest, with flame red, fire orange, and sunset pink designs. And the men looked magnificent in their white robes that swathed the body from head to toe, topped off by a twisted white turban, an immah.
"You were lying inside the hut," my father told me. "A tiny baby at your mother's side. A stream of people came in to see you. But Grandma Sumah was there, and you know what she's like.. .. She had your face covered. 'Please can we see the baby's face?' people kept asking. But Grandma just scowled at them and muttered something about protecting you from the Evil Eye."

The Evil Eye is a curse that all Zaghawa—and many other Muslims—believe in with fervor. With my mother resting, Grandma Sumah was looking after me, and she was very superstitious. She didn't want anyone looking at me too closely, just in case they had bad intentions and gave me the Evil Eye.
"She's so beautiful—what name have you chosen?" people kept asking. But Grandma just gave an even darker scowl, and refused to breathe a word.

My father had issued strict instructions. He wasn't prepared to announce my name until a very special person was present—the traditional medicine woman of our village. When she arrived, my father led her to the center of our house. "I'm calling my firstborn child Halima, after you," he announced. Then he took the medicine woman into the hut so she could bless me.
"But why did you name me after her, abba?" I asked my father. The tradition in our tribe is to name your children after their grandparents. I'd always wondered where my name had come from.
"Ah, well, that's a long story," my father replied, his eyes laughing in the warm glow of the firelight. "And it's getting close to your bedtime.. ."
I knew he was teasing me, and I begged him to tell me the story. Eventually, as was nearly always the case, he relented.
"At first I thought about calling you Sumah, after Grandma," my father continued. "But she refused to let me. . ." My father rolled his eyes at me, and I giggled. We both knew what Grandma was like: She'd never agree to anything if she could help it. "And then I remembered a promise that I had made when I was a young man. One day I was out on a camel rounding up cattle. The camel stumbled in a dry riverbed and I had fallen. Some villagers found me lying unconscious, and they were convinced that I was near death. . ."
"But you couldn't die, abba," I objected. "Surely you couldn't?"
My father chuckled. "Well, nothing they could do would wake me. All the herbs and medicines failed to stir me. They cut me open here." My father revealed a thick white scar running around his neck. "They wanted to bleed me and let the infection run out, but it didn't work. Even the hijabs that the Fakirs prepared didn't help. . ."

Click here to order for the Tears of the Desert,: A Memoir of Survival in Darfur.

International Criminal Court (ICC) Indicts President Umar al-Bashir for Crimes Against Humanity in Darfur

President Omar Hassan al-Bashir of Sudan

President Omar al-Bashir was indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on Monday July 14, 2008, on charges of crimes against humanity.
Sudan alerted the U.N. that the indictment could jeopardize the peace process on the resolution of the Darfur crisis.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague found President Bashir guilty of the murder and rape committed by the Sudanese government troops and their militias against the people of Darfur. The ICC sought for the warrant to arrest President Umar al-Bashir for trial.

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Embassy of Sudan: Ocampo's Political Pursuits Jeopardize Peace

12 Jul 2008 00:49 Africa/Lagos


Embassy of Sudan: Ocampo's Political Pursuits Jeopardize Peace

WASHINGTON, July 11 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ --

The International Criminal Court's prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo recently addressed the United Nations where he urged the Security Council to exert pressure on the Government of Sudan to extradite two individuals who the court has charged with crimes against humanity, accusing them of orchestrating violence in Darfur by arming and recruiting militias. In his statement, the prosecutor sought to implicate and sweepingly condemn the entire Government, alleging that high-ranked officials were involved in carrying out atrocities in Darfur and that he will shortly release names. His case rested on rather dubious speculation, claiming that the scale of the crisis suggested a co-ordination at the highest levels of the state apparatus.

While recognizing and appreciating the Court's proclaimed ideals and values towards human rights and its concern for the suffering citizens in Darfur, Sudan is disappointed and denounces very much the unwarranted and incendiary remarks made then by the Prosecutor and condemns strongly any motion the court may make to insist on these grossly offensive allegations.

There is no question that war criminals must face justice, and Sudan has its national Supreme Court supported by a strong constitutionally-backed judicial system that upholds the highest principles of justice. It has in the past prosecuted those identified to have committed crimes against humanity in Darfur and shall continue to do so wherever in Sudan similar crimes may occur. It can exercise justice within its territory far better than the ICC ever could. The Court's jurisdiction is confined to its 106 member states that have ratified the Rome statute. Sudan is not one of its constituencies. It has full confidence in its own institutions and is not looking to outsource its responsibility, especially not to a double standard entity whose integrity has seriously suffered.

Many, including the U.S., India, and China are non-signatories, which means any of their citizens found guilty of crimes that may fall within the scope of the Court's mandate will face justice domestically. Some of these countries have gone as far as to adopt measures that would allow the use of force to retrieve nationals detained by the Court. Ocampo would not dare pursue anyone in those territories.

This fact is worrisome and unfortunate for it renders the ICC as a body that can only pursue cases selectively. Its credibility as an objective and impartial body is instantly shattered. Its case against Sudan is only an exercise of flexing muscles by picking on those it perceives as easy prey, those whose sovereignty, integrity and authority it can violate and override without international fuss. And indeed, this is highlighted by the fact that its pursuits to date are all located in Africa when the world knows very well that equally egregious if not worse crimes are being committed outside the black continent. This is a reality that exposes the court as a tool of the more powerful countries and also typifies and perpetuates the appalling and misguided notion that Africans are incapable of solving their own problems.

This same condescending and paternalistic attitude was also the root of the plot revealed boastfully by their very own spokesperson to kidnap Sudan's state minister for Humanitarian Affairs. Though it failed, the plan was to commence during the minister's flight to Saudi Arabia on his way to perform the annual haj pilgrimage in Mecca, where the Court would hijack the plane and redirect its course to where their suspect can be detained. The same Court whose sole existence is to render justice where it's not observed has now so easily resorted to terroristic means. The stunt, so characteristic of a thug, of a criminal, circumvents all moral principles and raises the question as to the justice the court is ululating and advocating for.

The announcement, should it take place as expected, cannot be perceived as anything else but an attempt to undermine progress made in Sudan. With the recent appointment of a new envoy to lead the mediation process between the Government and the dozens of rebels in Darfur, the resolution of the Abyei deadlock, and the passing of the elections bill that would ensure the country's transition to democracy, how else can such a gesture be construed but as a strike against these milestones?

It would simply be an encouragement to the rebels who on Wednesday carried out a devastating attack that killed 7 and wounded 22 AU-UN peacekeeping forces, an incident that must be fully condemned and for which strong punitive measures towards the perpetrators must be adopted. This passive policy that the international community has long espoused has enabled rampant banditry in the region as rebels are increasingly emboldened by the world's reluctance to join Sudan in holding them accountable for their crimes. This was not their first attack on the international force. In October last year the rebels assaulted the UNAMID base in Haskanita, killing 7 peacekeepers and wounding several others. This incident passed without scrutiny from the same people who're now claiming to be in pursuit of justice.

Sudan is calling and reaching out to all peace-loving nations to support efforts currently underway to bring about peace and stability in its troubled region. Security for our citizens is a chief concern and Ocampo's conduct is counter to this agenda. In his bid to build a profile for the nascent Court under the pretext of pursuit of justice, he should be cautious that his actions do not contribute to the suffering of our people.

CONTACT: Embassy of the Republic of Sudan, Information office, +1-202-338-8565, +1-202-667-2406

Source: Embassy of Sudan

CONTACT: Embassy of Republic of Sudan, Information office,
+1-202-338-8565, +1-202-667-2406

Darfur and Its Impact on Sudan and the Region

Darfur and Its Impact on Sudan and the Region

President Hu:China To Continue "Constructive Role" in Darfur Issue

President Hu:China to continue "constructive role" in Darfur issue

President Hu Jintao said Wednesday China will continue its constructive role in achieving a proper settlement of the Darfur issue. • China appreciates Sudan's efforts on Darfur issue

Embassy of the Republic of the Sudan Responds To Save Darfur Coalition's Joint Statement

30 May 2008 01:43 Africa/Lagos


Embassy of the Republic of the Sudan responds to Save Darfur Coalition's joint statement

WASHINGTON, May 29 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- The historic race for the President of the United States is without a doubt an occasion that many are watching closely and whose results are awaited with baited breath as the outcome is one that will determine the course of the country and in many ways, history itself.


The candidates are advocates of change, a notion ornately captured in compelling slogans like Senator McCain's "straight talk", Hillary's "a change we need", Obama's "a change we can believe in". This message is accompanied by policies that seemingly offer a striking contrast to their predecessors. Their words are not only resonating with fellow citizens here in the U.S., but in fact have reverberated across the entire globe, where one finds a number of societies, countries and cultures fervently seeking for a change in the way they relate to the United States.


Ideally then, foreign policy should be one that reaches out to these citizens of the world. It should be one that strives for inclusion, for understanding through dialogue. It should value diplomacy over aggression in solving perceived differences. And it has to be consistent and holistic in approach. Yet the joint statement released yesterday by the "Save Darfur Coalition", bearing the signatures of the candidates, deviated from this grandiose notion of 'change' that they have so championed.


"There can be no doubt that the Sudanese government is chiefly responsible for the violence and is able to end it" the statement read on the Coalition's website. To make this claim is hardly "Straight talk". And if in fact change is our genuine concern, then it seems we should begin by providing an objective account of reality. Nowhere in the joint statement was the voter given the chance to discern it for him/herself. The "Save Darfur Coalition", after concocting an idyllic picture of events, went as far as drafting an editable "thank you" letter to the candidates for voters to submit. A ready made "thank you" letter, as if voters were short for words to use.


Nevertheless, the joint statement was concerned with two issues, Darfur and the CPA. It is troubling that the statement failed to mention anything concerning the two-dozen rebels in Darfur, as if to suggest that their presence amongst civilians were benign. Those that are privy to the realities on the ground however, have contradict the allegation that the Government is the principal source of instability in the region. Impartial observers have identified the rebels as the cause of violence and the major variable fueling the Humanitarian crisis. Their assault and robberies against aid workers, attacks on international peace keeping forces in addition to using civilians as shields are some of the heinous crimes condoned by the "Save Darfur Coalition" as they refrain from speaking about them.


Bewildering still, the statement did not contain a single word regarding the May 10th rebel attack on Omdurmon that killed nearly 200 people. This was an incident that appalled even the people of Darfur who immediately denounced the attack and made it clear that the Rebels did not represent their interests. It was a revealing moment that the Save Darfur Coalition chose to simply ignore as it threatened their agenda of trying to portray the government as having the monopoly on violence. What no one can deny however is that the government has been the only stakeholder that has consistently called for a political solution, the only viable solution to the conflict. If the reasons for picking up arms were political in the first place, why are they now refusing to come to the negotiating table to craft a political settlement?


Regarding the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, it is true that there are times when both partners express dissatisfaction, whether its in the provisions of the document or frustrations arising from the pace of implementation. This is to be expected in any landmark agreement. The parties are diligently working to remove any obstacles that could potentially delay the election in 2009. The nationwide census has finally commenced. This is the first milestone towards conducting the upcoming elections in order for the country to make its way into a democratic transition. Border demarcation is also underway. The government of south Sudan officials publicly declared that over three quarters of the document has been implemented. And the partners are steadfastly working to resolve the remaining issues; Abyei, being the most prominent. Indeed this is an area that has proven to be very sensitive. It's been the center of recent skirmishes between the parties. But despite its sensitivity, the partners are together and have vowed that there will be "no return to war" as resolved in the meeting convened by the Ceasefire Political Commission yesterday.


The incumbent, which ever of the candidates the American people choose, should heed the calls for peace coming from the people of Darfur. The government of Sudan has made over 30 attempts to negotiate with the rebels but it has been unsuccessful. The reasons are well known by any unbiased observer. Solving the problem begins with sincere intentions to change the situation, as such, Sudan calls on the peace loving international community to push the rebels to end this catastrophe once and for all by getting them to the table of negotiations to help map out a peaceful future for their country. The incoming President's push for "change" will only have an impact on the people of Darfur when that change he/she advocates for has taken stock of all their realities.


Press and Information Office.


202 338 8565


Source: Embassy of the Republic of the Sudan

CONTACT: Embassy of the Republic of the Sudan Press and Information
Office, +1-202-338-8565